О факторах, влияющих на отношения Ирана с арабскими монархиями Персидского залива. Часть 1

13 января, 2022 | Автор: | Напечатать эту статью

Отношения Ирана с арабскими монархиями Персидского залива носили комплексный характер и определялись группой факторов.     С учетом значимости Персидского залива для Ирана вопросы безопасности играли заметную роль в политике Тегерана в отношении этих стран. В отличие от других арабских стран, географическая близость Ирана и «малых» монархий Персидского залива, служила важным аспектом в их двусторонних отношениях. С этой точки зрения, Тегеран уделял особое внимание внутриполитическим процессам в «малых» монархиях Персидского залива и их внешней политике. Капитализация крупных финансовых ресурсов в последние десятилетия  в таких странах как Катар и ОАЭ способствовала росту их влияния в регионе. В зависимости от складывающейся в регионе политической конъюктуры, эти государства могли становиться как соперниками, так и партнерами Ирана на Ближнем Востоке. Так, в ходе ирано-иракской войны 1980-1988 гг. Катар и ОАЭ использовали свои финансовые ресурсы для поддержки Ирака. С другой стороны, территориальные и демографические различия между Ираном и «малыми» монархиями Персидского залива служили постоянным  источником озабоченности последних за свою безопасность. В случае вооруженного конфликта военная мощь и экономический потенциал Ирана, который, отчасти, определялся его территориальными и демографическими особенностями, могли обеспечить Тегерану военное превосходство и стать решающим фактором в определении исхода конфликта. Напротив, «малые» монархии Персидского залива отличались незначительной численностью коренного населения и были вынуждены опираться на инонациональную рабочую силу в своей экономической деятельности и вопросах обеспечения безопасности. Кроме того, в большинстве этих стран проживали крупные  иранские (шиитские) общины, которые имели глубокие исторические корни. Конфессиональные различия  между коренным населением и иранскими общинами  служили дополнительным источником напряжения в отношениях с Ираном. Власти «малых» аравийских монархий рассматривали шиитские общины на своей территории как инструмент влияния Ирана и потенциальный фактор саботажа и дестабилизации. Поэтому для «малых» монархий Персидского залива эти общины представляли бОльшую опасность, нежели выходцы из Индии или Пакистана.  Динамика межарабских отношений только усиливала эти страхи. В 1950-1970 гг. революционные арабские режимы обвиняли Иран в намерении изменить характер режимов и демографическую ситуацию в арабских монархиях Персидского залива. Несмотря на значительные доходы от нефти, указанные обстоятельства определяли их потенциальную уязвимость и ставили под сомнение их статус как нации-государства. Масштабные закупки современных вооружений и военной техники не могли обеспечить «малым» аравийским монархиям создание сильных армий. В результате они были вынуждены полагаться на внешнюю поддержку в обеспечении их безопасности и сохранения силового баланса в отношении таких стран как Иран. Так правление династии аль-Халифа на Бахрейне, как и образование ОАЭ стало возможным не без  участия Великобритании. В отличие от Ирана, который имел негативный опыт иностранного вмешательства, «малые» монархии Персидского залива только выигрывали от иностранного присутствия. В итоге в основе отношений Ирана и «малых» монархий Персидского залива отсутствовало  общее понимание природы внешних угроз их внутренней безопасности и  единого алгоритма формирования политики в отношении внерегиональных государств. Все «малые» монархии Персидского залива входили в состав ССАГПЗ, который был создан в 1981 г. Поэтому основные направления их политики в отношении Ирана определялись установками ССАГПЗ, где ведущую роль играла Саудовская Аравия. На практике, подходы каждого из этих государств в отношении Ирана отличались заметными различиями, которые определялись спецификой их внутреннего устройства, характером отношений с другими членами ССАГПЗ, прежде всего, КСА. Так, присутствие шиитских общин на территории «малых» монархий Персидского залива не обязательно предполагало враждебность в отношении Ирана. В Кувейте проживало 30-40% шиитов, большинство из которых были этническими иранцами. При этом отношения между Кувейтом и Ираном носили в целом нормальный характер. Примерно так же складывались отношения между ИРИ и Катаром. Наибольшее число иранцев проживало в Дубае и Шардже, где также имелись шиитские меньшинства. В отличие от населения Абу-Даби, состав которого содержал наименьший процент иранцев-шиитов, отношения двух вышеупомянутых эмиратов с Ираном не отличались враждебностью. Таким образом, различия этнического и религиозного характера между «малыми» аравийскими монархиями и Ираном могли являться потенциальным фактором напряжения, но не имели решающей роли в определении двусторонних отношений. Отношения «малых» монархий Персидского залива к Ирану определялось характером их связей с КСА и Ираком, наличием территориальных споров. Так, Бахрейн, который когда-то входил в состав Ирана, а большая часть его населения является шиитами,  отличался более скептическим отношением к ИРИ. Тоже можно было сказать об ОАЭ, которые оспаривали у Тегерана принадлежность трех островов в Персидском заливе. У Омана не было территориальных споров с Ираном. Там проживало незначительное число иранцев и шиитов. Иран оказал помощь Оману во время конфликта в Дофаре в 1960-1970 гг. Военная помощь Ирана наряду с продержкой Великобритании и Иордании, сыграли решающую роль в подавлении восстания и восстановления порядка в стране. Начиная с 1970-х гг. Султанат Оман поддерживает нормальные отношения с Ираном. Население Омана представлено в основном арабами. Оман имеет свою особую историю, специфические национальные характеристики и более длительный исторический опыт развития собственной государственности по сравнению с другими монархиями Персидского залива. Эти характеристики придают Оману особое чувство самоидентичности и определяют более независимый внешнеполитический курс. Оман скептически относился к региональным амбициям Саудовской Аравии.  Во многом это объяснялось тем, что господствующий в Омане ибадитский толк ислама с недоверием относился к саудовскому ваххабизму. Этот фактор влиял на определение характеристик внешней политики султаната, которая отличалась развитием всесторонних связей с другими странами на равноправной основе без каких-либо предпочтений этнического или религиозного характера. В тоже время, Оман поддерживал особый характер отношений с США и Великобританией в интересах своей национальной безопасности. Такая философия внешней политики Омана позволяла ему иметь в равной степени нормальные отношения с арабскими странами, Ираном и Израилем. Определенное развитие омано-израильские отношения получили после визита премьер-министра Израиля Б.Нетаньяху в Оман  в октябре 2018 г. В Иране некоторые политики посчитали, что сближение Омана с Израилем может негативно сказаться на связях Маската и Тегерана. Однако на практике данное обстоятельство не оказало большого влияния на характер отношений между Оманом и Ираном. Несмотря на некоторые моменты напряженности в отношениях Катара с Ираном, связи между двумя государствами носили в целом нормальный характер. Отчасти это объясняется желанием Катара снизить влияние Эр-Рияда на Доху, которая долгое время находилась в тени КСА. Сегодня Катар стремится к проведению собственной независимой политики.  В 2000-х гг. Катар стал соперничать с КСА за влияние в Сирии и Египте. В результате, связи с Ираном стали частью внешнеполитической стратегии Катара. К тому же Катар и Иран связывают общие экономические интересы и совместные проекты в нефтегазовой сфере.  Было бы неверным утверждать, что отношения между Кувейтом и Ираном развивались всегда гладко. Однако сегодня связи между двумя странами носят в целом конструктивный характер. В условиях монархического режима в Иране, отношения  с арабскими монархиями Персидского залива носили в основном дружественный характер. Иран посетили практически все арабские правители аравийских  монархий. Великобритания, которая в этот период контролировала ситуацию в Персидском заливе, поощряла эти отношения. Тегеран открыл иранскую школу в Дубае. Бывший правитель Дубая шейх Шахбут был особо расположен к Тегерану и даже пожертвовал 25 тысяч долларов жертвам землетрясения в Иране. Некоторые представители правящей элиты арабских монархий  приобрели собственность в Иране, особенно на побережье Каспия и в Ширазе. В отличие от стран Арабского Машрика (Сирия, Ирак), правящая элита арабских монархий Персидского залива не была национально ориентированной. Большинство арабских монархий Персидского залива не прошло путь борьбы за национальную независимость и предпочитало доверять свою безопасность Западу. Их правящий класс больше опасался арабского национального движения, чем Ирана. В тоже время их благосостояние основанное на доходах от нефти и газа не достигло еще того уровня, который позволял бы им претендовать на самостоятельную роль в региональной политике. Иран же в этот период был больше озабочен безопасностью своих северных границ. Поэтому Тегеран  уделял мало внимания созданию заделов на будущее в отношениях с арабскими монархиями Персидского залива. После обретения Кувейтом политической независимости в 1961 г., Иран открыл там свое посольство. Кувейт нередко подвергался нападкам со стороны Ирака. Иран поддержал Кувейт в его конфронтации с Ираком в 1961 и 1973 годах. Тегеран заявил, что не потерпит изменений в региональном балансе сил. Основным источником напряжения в отношениях между Ираном и Кувейтом в этот период была динамика межарабских отношений и фактор Израиля. Вопросы иранской иммиграции в Кувейт также осложняли двусторонние отношения. Иран не проводил политику направленного переселения своих граждан в Кувейт и не использовал их в качестве «пятой колонны». Однако радикальные арабские режимы оказывали влияние на мировоззрения кувейтских политиков в отношении иранских иммигрантов. Из-за отношений Ирана с Израилем и наличия большого числа палестинцев в Кувейте накануне событий 1990-1991 гг. власти Кувейта постоянно подвергались арабскому давлению в отношении связей с Ираном. Однако в результате недоверия арабских монархий к арабским националистам и радикалам, их истинным намерениям, арабские монархии Персидского залива, хотя и не развивали отношения с Ираном, но и не объединились с арабскими  радикальными режимами против Тегерана. В тоже время, защита общеарабских интересов и вынужденная  поддержка общей арабской позиции по переименованию Персидского залива периодически служила фактором осложнения отношений Ирана и Кувейта. Вплоть до иракского вторжения в 1991 г. Кувейт был наименее восприимчив к перипетиям межарабских отношений. После иракского вторжения и давления со стороны радикальных и консервативных арабских режимов Кувейт стал стремиться к более независимой и самостоятельной политике. Кувейт хотел бы иметь с Ираном нормальные отношения, но зачастую он оказывался под давлением стран-членов ССАГПЗ. КСА и ОАЭ постоянно требовали от Кувейта изменить характер отношений с Тегераном. Политика ИРИ по экспорту Исламской революции отрицательно сказалась на отношениях двух стран.  Опасения в связи с исламистскими настроениями Ирана со временем убавились, но полностью не исчезли. Иран имел неплохие отношения с отдельными эмиратами, которые потом вошли в состав ОАЭ.  Процесс их объединения проходил на фоне соперничества КСА и Ирана, что наложило определенный отпечаток на отношения Тегерана с ОАЭ.  Иран не имел возражений против создания ОАЭ. Озабоченностью Ирана была судьба Бахрейна. Иран стремился к тому, чтобы решить вопрос о Бахрейне в свою пользу, прежде чем  дать согласие на создание ОАЭ.  Кроме этого существовал вопрос о трех спорных островах. Иран вел переговоры с Великобританией, а не отдельными эмиратами. Еще в 1892 г.  вице-король Индии лорд Керзон, составил карту, на которой острова принадлежали Ирану. Позднее британские власти провели ряд манипуляций по вопросу о принадлежности островов. Спор Ирана с Ведикобританией в отношении принадлежности островов длился с 1903 г. Именно Лондон подтолкнул эмираты к выдвижению претензий на острова. В 1903 британцы спровоцировали правителя Шарджи водрузить свой флаг над островами. Позиция Ирана на переговорах была достаточно слабой, особенно в вопросе Бахрейна.  Тегеран находился под сильным давлением США и Великобритании, которые стремились  формально структурировать территории до ухода Великобритании из Персидского залива. Иран должен был добиться решения по Бахрейну и островам не в устной форме, а в виде письменного соглашения. Не сделав этого, Иран рисковал столкнуться с претензиями ОАЭ и осложнить отношения не только с арабскими монархиями Персидского залива, но и другими арабскими странами. Решение Ирана оккупировать острова Абу-Муса, Малый и Большой  Томб усугубило ситуацию. В глазах арабов Иран превратился в «оккупанта» арабских земель наподобие Израиля. На деле ОАЭ рассматривали острова как оккупированные Ираном. Более того, вопрос об островах стал предметом спора Ирана не с Великобританией, а с арабскими странами. Практически все арабские страны поддержали претензии ОАЭ на острова. Пока ОАЭ и Иран оставались в орбите западного влияния, вопрос об островах не поднимался и Иран сохранял отношения с ОАЭ.   Катар и Бахрейн хотели вступить в состав ОАЭ. Это стремление было поддержано КСА и Кувейтом. Иран не выдвигал каких-либо возражений. Вступление Катара и Бахрейна в состав ОАЭ с учетом больших природных богатств создавало бы очень сильное и влиятельное государство в регионе. Когда Катар и Бахрейн отказались от этой идеи, то  Иран признал их независимость.  После обретения независимости Катар и Бахрейн попали в орбиту саудовского влияния.  До 1992 г. Катар фактически следовал в русле внешней политики КСА.  И только после 1992 г. Катар стал постепенно пытаться проводить независимую политику. Шахский Иран стремился поддерживать нормальные отношения с Катаром и Бахрейном. Во многом это объяснялось тем, что КСА и Иран были монархиями и, хотя соперничали в Персидском заливе, но их отношения не отличались враждебностью. Исламская революция 1979 г. в Иране коренным образом изменила ситуацию в регионе. С точки зрения аравийских монархий, Иран превратился  в революционную и дестабилизирующую силу в Персидском заливе. В 1980-х гг. поведение Ирана напоминало политику радикальных арабских режимов. Это подрывало дружеский характер отношений Ирана с арабскими монархиями Персидского залива. Отношение к смене власти в Иране со стороны арабских монархий Персидского залива носило неоднозначный характер. С одной стороны, они были довольны уходом шаха, так как опасались, что при нем Иран будет усиливать свои властные амбиции в Персидском заливе. Арабы надеялись, что новое руководство ИРИ, которое прежде критиковало политику Ирана в Персидском заливе и его вмешательство во внутренние дела соседних государств, изменит стиль отношений с арабскими странами на более гибкий и компромиссный.  Они также рассчитывали на то, что Иран оставит претензии на острова, и не будет так ревностно относиться к вопросу о названии Персидского залива. Арабы внимательно прислушивались к заявлению лидера Исламской революции имама Хомейни о том, что залив должен принадлежать всем мусульманам, и приветствовали разрыв отношений Ирана с Израилем. Действительно, первое революционное правительство Ирана во главе с М.Базарганом пыталось проводить взвешенную и сбалансированную политику, особенно в отношении соседних государств. Однако заявления некоторых представителей военной элиты и духовенства Ирана вызывали обеспокоенность арабских монархий Персидского залива. Заявления некоторых лидеров Исламской революции о возврате Бахрейна в состав Ирана и необходимости смены формы правления в монархиях по типу ИРИ, несмотря на опровержения иранского правительства, подрывали доверие аравийских монархий к Ирану. Волна шиитских волнений в ряде арабских государств Персидского залива только усилила их обеспокоенность. Активизировался созданный в 1977 г. «Фронт освобождения Бахрейна». И хотя иранские власти его не поддерживали, аравийские монархии с трудом могли поверить этому. Агитационная деятельность представителей иранского духовенства ходжат оль-ислама Хади аль-Модареси и ходжат оль-ислама Аббаса Мохри, которые жили в ссылке в Кувейте и на Бахрейне только усиливала эти подозрения. Тем более в декабре 1981 г. был раскрыт антиправительственный заговор на Бахрейне. И хотя все заговорщики были арабами,    в его организации обвинили Иран. Аравийские  монархии стали  высылать иранских иммигрантов. Кувейт изгнал несколько тысяч иранцев. Ирано-иракская война осложнила отношения Ирана с аравийскими монархиями, так как некоторые из них поддерживали Ирак. Ответственность за серию террористических актов в Кувейте в 1980-х гг. возложили на Иран, который  действительно пытался влиять на Кувейт особенно после начала ирано-иракской войны. Однако не все акты саботажа в Кувейте были организованы Ираном. Некоторые были подготовлены при поддержке Ирака и Сирии. Сирию обвиняли в том, что она стояла за провалившейся попыткой покушения на эмира Кувейта в 1985 г. Тегеран как мог пытался успокоить арабские монархии. Иранские официальные лица сделали серию заявлений о том, что Иран не вынашивает никаких экспансионистских планов в Персидском заливе и не претендует на деньги аравийских монархий. Иран заявил, что не позволит Ираку атаковать Кувейт. ОАЭ позитивно восприняли эти заявления. И в 1980-х гг. у Ирана и ОАЭ установились нормальные отношения. Отчасти это было связано с крепкими торговыми связями Дубая с ИРИ.  Отношения Ирана с Катаром и Оманом также нормализовались. Поддержка США Ирака в войне с Ираном отрицательно сказалась на отношениях Тегерана с арабскими монархиями Персидского залива. После ухода Великобритании из Персидского залива у аравийских монархий возникла идея создания  собственной структуры безопасности, которая стала развиваться с 1960-х гг. Однако в тот период эта идея осталась нереализованной. Аравийские монархии не хотели включать Иран в эту структуру. Их настораживала радикальная политика Ирака. Арабских радикалов не устраивали модели этого союза наподобие образцов времен «холодной войны» с участием США и Великобритании. СССР возражал против таких союзов под патронажем США. Исламская революция в Иране заставила эти страны поторопиться с образованием союза. Эта была региональная структура безопасности в составе «малых» монархий Персидского залива с участием КСА.  Так, в 1981 г. был создан ССАГПЗ. В 1984 г. был создан общий оборонительный орган под названием «Щит полуострова». Тегеран отреагировал на это событие с определенным скепсисом. Иран посчитал, что эта организация носит антииранский характер. Чисто арабский характер ССАГПЗ заставил Тегеран считать, что организация создана с целью маргинализировать роль ИРИ в политической и экономической сферах деятельности в Персидском заливе. Заявления членов ССАГПЗ о том, что их организация является прообразом более широкого союза арабских стран с возможным участием Ирака, еще больше насторожили Иран. Обеспокоенность ИРИ вызвал факт решающего влияния  КСА в ССАГПЗ. Иран рассматривал ССАГПЗ как инструмент  региональной саудовской  гегемонии. Постепенно Иран был вынужден смириться с фактом существования ССАГПЗ и в 1990-х гг. выдвинул ряд предложений по расширению организации. Этот период стал для Ирана  временем внутренних трансформаций после смерти аятоллы Хомейни и перестройкой отношений с внешним миром. Необходимость  политических и экономических реформ, потребовали от Ирана снижения степени напряженности во внешней политике, укрепления отношений с соседями. Одной из главных задач президента ИРИ Али-Акбара Хашеми-Рафсанджани стало открытие Ирана для внешнего мира. Это, прежде всего, касалось улучшения отношений с США и Западом, в целом. Другой задачей стало развитие отношений с государствами, входящими ССАГПЗ.  Иракское вторжение в Кувейт в 1990 г. помогло Ирану в реализации этих задач. Это давало возможность ИРИ кардинально изменить характер отношений со странами Персидского залива. К этому времени многие аравийские монархии поняли, что поддержка Ирака себя не оправдала, и они были готовы пересмотреть отношения с ИРИ. Иран поддержал независимость Кувейта и его территориальную целостность. Однако в результате жесткой позиции противников курса Хашеми-Рафсанджани в Иране, Тегеран не смог полностью реализовать открывшиеся возможности.  После окончания войны в Заливе 1991 г. возникло несколько проектов новой системы безопасности в Персидском заливе.  Ряд стран ССАГПЗ перелагали участие Египта и Турции. Позднее, аравийские монархии сделали ставку на Сирию, которая заменила Турцию в этих планах, а Иран был исключен из всех проектов. Однако не все аравийские  монархии были согласны с предлагаемыми схемами системы безопасности в Персидском заливе. Кувейт скептически относился к участию крупных арабских стран типа Египта и Сирии. Многие монархии предпочитали, чтобы США обеспечивали их безопасность. После распада СССР США стали фактически единственной сверхдержавой на Ближнем Востоке. Планы США по организации нового миропорядка в регионе осложнили деятельность Ирана по нормализации отношений с арабскими странами. США озаботились идеей ближневосточного урегулирования и, прежде всего, решения палестинской проблемы. Они считали это важнейшим элементом создания новой системы отношений в регионе. Урегулирование арабо-израильского конфликта стало доминирующей политической темой, а поскольку ИРИ продолжала придерживаться прежней позиции в отношении Израиля и по палестинской проблеме, Иран стал рассматриваться США и арабскими странами как основное препятствие на пути реализации их планов. Несмотря на это в 1992 г. отношения Ирана с Бахрейном получили некоторое развитие. Министры иностранных дел двух стран обменялись визитами. Строились планы создания водного сообщения между двумя государствами. Отношения с ОАЭ ухудшились. Иран депортировал  сто иностранных рабочих с острова Абу-Муса и запретил въезд иностранной рабочей силы без иранской визы. Тогда ОАЭ вновь подняли вопрос об островах и обратились в ООН. Попытки Ирана успокоить ОАЭ не имели успеха. Демарш ОАЭ был предпринят в условиях изменения региональной ситуации. К этому времени ОАЭ почувствовали себя достаточно сильными, чтобы оказать сопротивление Ирану и не только в Персидском заливе, но и в Южной и Центральной Азии.  ОАЭ поддержали антииранские силы в Афганистане, включая «Талибан» и стали одним из трех государств которые официально признали правительство талибов в Кабуле. ОАЭ активно противодействовали любым попыткам наладить отношения между Ираном и аравийскими монархиями без решения вопроса об островах. Несмотря на это благодаря усилиям умеренных правительств А.А.Хашеми-Рафсанджани и М.Хатами, Иран смог добиться некоторого улучшения отношений с государствами, входящими ССГАПЗ. Произошла серия обменов визитами с Катаром, Кувейтом. Бахрейном на высшем уровне. Во многом это объяснялось налаживанием отношений между ИРИ и США. Политика президента ИРИ М.Хатами внушила аравийским монархим надежу на возобновление ирано-американского диалога и заставила их проявить больше гибкости в отношении Ирана.  Однако отсутствие прогресса на переговорах США с Ираном остудило пыл аравийских монархий и их отношения с Ираном вернулись на прежний уровень. Несмотря на это Иран повторно выдвинул ряд предложений по созданию системы региональной безопасности. Их суть сводилась к тому, что безопасность в Персидском заливе должны обеспечивать прибрежные государства без участия иностранных держав. Однако эти предложения не были приняты, несмотря на то, что Иран видоизменил их, добавив положения о том, что  новая структура может находиться под контролем ООН. Аравийские монархии не доверяли Ирану и хотели иметь арабскую систему безопасности с участием США как ее гаранта. Нежелание мировых держав дать возможность региональным государствам создать собственную систему безопасности без их участия также способствовало неуспеху иранских инициатив. Нормализация отношений Ирана с государствами, входящими в ССАГПЗ ставила под вопрос поставки вооружений и военной техники в этот регион и военного присутствия в нем стран Запада. Развитие ситуации на Ближнем Востоке после событий терактов 11 сентября 2001 г. в США создали новую обстановку в регионе и изменили баланс сил в нем. Свержение С.Хусейна и утверждение правительства шиитского большинства в Ираке на фоне активизации шиитских общин в аравийских монархиях, превратили Иран в главную опасность для арабских государств Персидского залива. Накануне событий «арабской весны» в отношениях Ирана и стран ССАГПЗ не произошло значительного ухудшения. Они оставались на прежнем уровне. В тоже время, Иран подвергался критике в результате войны в Ливане в 2006 г. и последовавших действий «Хизбаллы». После фактической победы «Хизбаллы» популярность Ирана и ливанской шиитской организации в глазах арабской общественности заметно выросла. Поддержка Ираном палестинцев в секторе Газа также вызвала одобрения в большинстве арабских стран. Иранский президент М.Ахмадинежад стал весьма популярен среди арабов, которые  критиковали своих лидеров особенно в странах Персидского залива за бездействие во время войны в Ливане. Зато позиция США в отношении Ирана ужесточилась. Несмотря на это президент М.Ахмадинежад во время своего визита в Катар в 2007 г. где он принял участие в саммите ССАГПЗ, выдвинул предложения о сотрудничестве с арабскими странами Персидского залива, в том числе, по вопросам безопасности. Одновременно он посетил Кувейт, Бахрейн, Оман и ОАЭ.  В Омане он подписал соглашение о совместной разработке нефтегазовых месторождений. Однако неурегулированность отношений с США помешала Ирану использовать созданный задел для нормализации отношений с монархиями Персидского залива. Иран не понимал, что решать вопросы отношений с государствами Персидского залива отдельно от его ближневосточной политики и международных отношений невозможно. Поддержка арабскими странами суннитского сопротивления Ирака и связи Ирана с иракскими шиитами служили дополнительным источником напряжения в отношениях ИРИ с аравийскими  монархиями. В тоже время, «малые» монархии Персидского залива не поддерживали идею атаки на Иран, в том числе ОАЭ.  Во многом такая позиция была связана с          особыми экономическими связями ОАЭ с Ираном. По некоторым данным, Иран был четвертым по значимости торговым партнером ОАЭ, а ОАЭ вторым для Ирана. Ядерная программа Ирана служила еще одним фактором, осложнявшим  его отношения с государствами Персидского алива. «Арабская весна» и кризис в САР изменили ситуацию в регионе. Позиция арабских монархий  Персидского залива ужесточилась в отношении ИРИ. После вооруженной интервенции на Бахрейн совместных сил КСА и ОАЭ, опасения аравийских  относительно роли Ирана в дестабилизации внутренней ситуации на Бахрейне только усилились. Тот факт, что Иран, Катар и КСА  поддерживали разные противоборствующие силы в Сирии, осложнял их отношения. На этом фоне отношения Израиля и ряда арабских монархий Персидского залива постепенно нормализовались. Еще в 1990-х гг. когда у арабских государств Персидского залива были нормальные отношения с Ираном, Оман и Бахрейн поддерживали контакты с Израилем.  Политика США по созданию израильско-суннитского альянса против Ирана подталкивала эти страны к развитию связей с Израилем. Однако активизация контактов Израиля и стран Персидского залива началась позже,  когда иранская угроза стала особенно явной, и усилились позиции «Братьев-мусульман». Не все страны Персидского залива хотели вести диалог с Израилем за счет отношений с Ираном. Определенную роль в продвижении этого трека и изменения позиции колеблющихся стран Персидского залива сыграл визит в Оман израильского премьера Б.Нетаньяху в октябре 2018 г. Возможно Оман хотел обезопасить себя от последствий  возможных ударов США по Ирану. Заключение в июле 2015 г. ядерной сделки с Ираном вызвало обеспокоенность арабских стран Персидского залива, несмотря на то, что риск войны с Ираном был временно снят.  Оман сыграл одну из главных ролей в подготовке переговоров по ядерной сделке. КСА и ОАЭ были особенно недовольны этой сделкой и тем, что президент США Б.Обама позволил ИРИ иметь ограниченное количество урана. КСА и ОАЭ ждали смены администрации США и изменения позиции по сделке. Нападение в 2016 г. на посольство КСА и саудовское консульство (Мешхед) в Иране вызвало дальнейшее ухудшение отношений ИРИ с арабскими государствами Персидского залива. Неудивительно, что в 2016 г. официальные отношения между Ираном и КСА были разорваны. Несмотря на это, спорадические контакты между двумя странами не прекращались. Кувейт, Катар и ОАЭ понизили уровень представительства в ИРИ, а Бахрейн разорвал дипотношения с ИРИ. Действия Кувейта были продиктованы активностью, так называемой, шпионской сети Абдали, к которой, по некоторым данным, имел отношение Иран.  Однако после визита президента ИРИ Х.Роухани  в Кувейт в феврале 2017 г. отношения стали постепенно налаживаться. КСА, ОАЭ, Кувейт были обеспокоены контактами Катара с «Братьями-мусульманами». Доха поддержала правительство М.Морси в Египте. Катар оказывал помощь «братьям» в Сирии. Эр-Рияд был недоволен работой  «Аль-Джазиры» и ее комментариями и хорошими отношениями Катара с Ираном. В 2017 г. эти разногласия достигли пика. КСА, Бахрейн, ОАЭ, Египет разорвали отношения с Катаром и устроили воздушную блокаду Дохи. Иран предоставил свое воздушное пространство Катару, открыл свои порты, и снабжал Катар продовольствием.  Турция также поддержала Катар, который восстановил отношения с Ираном в полном объеме. В октябре-ноябре 2017 г. стороны обменялись визитами высоких официальных лиц. Катар выразил желание инвестировать в развитие иранских портов и наладить долговременное экономическое сотрудничество с ИРИ. Когда в Турции в августе 2018 г. произошел финансовый кризис, Катар заявил, что готов оказать финансовую помощь Анкаре в размере 15 млрд долларов.   Дальнейшее развитие отношений Катара и Ирана во многом зависело от позиции США в отношении Тегерана и ситуации в ССАГПЗ. Таким образом, когда Иран был монархией и находился в орбите влияния Запада, у него складывались в целом неплохие отношения с арабскими монархиями Персидского залива. После Исламской революции в Иране ситуация изменилась.

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